| ADVOCACY and DEFENSE Spanish-language Media in the United States |
| By Eduardo Barraza |
| BARRIOZONA and a group of authoritative experts analyze the historical and contemporary role of Spanish-media language in the United States, the pros and cons of advocacy journalism, the ideals that journalists should strive for, as well as the historic relevance that current social events may reach in the future. |
| Spanish-language print media act as a basic survival guide for immigrants in a hostile world… Ed Morales - freelance journalist |
Soon after the massive immigrants’ demonstrations that took place in many US cities during the month of March,
Gillian Flaccus, an Associated Press writer wrote a story that was widely published in many print and electronic
media outlets. Flaccus, AP’s diversity and religion reporter for Southern California, was far from revealing a new
trend. However, for most of mainstream America, he exposed the mobilizing power behind the unprecedented and
multitudinous marches of Latinos –particularly undocumented immigrants. In his article, Flaccus establishes that “for
English-speaking America, the mass protests in Los Angeles and other US cities over the past few days have been
surprising for their size and seeming spontaneity. But they were organized, promoted, or publicized for weeks by
Spanish-language radio hosts and TV anchors as a demonstration of Hispanic pride and power.”
Flaccus’ observation was not only far from being inaccurate; it captured the open and wide support that historically
has been the main characteristic of Spanish-language media in the United States, as well as its advocacy role for the
Mexican-American and Latino population. Perhaps the Associated Press writer was not entirely aware of this
traditional function of Spanish-language media, but was definitely correct in crediting what has been and is in
essence, a powerful force behind the current push for immigration reform. Even though these actions and the
media's role in promoting them may appear new to many, the relationship between Spanish-language media and
the Latino population’s struggle for civil rights has a long history of interaction and involvement. Therefore, the pro-
immigrant rallies can be considered the most recent link in a chain of events that spans for more than 100
years.
Historian Christine Marin cautions new generations to “not assume that the current call for immigration reform is a
new phenomenon in the Southwest. Since the early 1900s…Mexican immigrants made great attempts to fight for
their labor, political, economic and human rights and have made great sacrifices to achieve the American Dream of
education, success and home ownership.” Dr. Marin, a Curator and Archivist of the Chicano/a Research Collection at
Arizona State University, believes that what some observers consider an emerging social movement, is a recent
expression of that continued struggle for rights: “The marches and rallies you see occurring in the Southwest and
elsewhere are manifestations of a civil rights movement, a socio-economic movement, a political movement, and a
human rights movement.” One of these attempts Dr. Marin refers to, the creation in 1894 of the “Alianza Hispano
Americana,” sheds light in understanding how and why Spanish-language media become an instrument of advocacy
in the pursuit of social justice.
According to another historian, Dr. Manuel G. Gonzales, the Alianza Hispano Americana “functioned as a mutual aid
and benefit society…Primarily, however, the Alianza was a defense organization.” Dr. Gonzales, professor of history
at Diablo Valley College in California, establishes that the Alianza was created as a response to the fact that “people
of Mexican descent in Tucson were beginning to suffer the same prejudice and discrimination as the Mexican
Americans in other parts of the Southwest.” Relevant to the objective of this essay, and fundamental to understand
the role of Spanish-language media in the context of social causes, is the work of an “Alianza Hispano Americana’s”
key member, and its first president, Carlos I. Velasco. Not coincidentally, Velasco was by then the publisher and
editor of “El Fronterizo,” a Spanish-language newspaper he had founded twelve years earlier.
“El Fronterizo” was a four-page weekly published for a period of thirty-seven years, dealing particularly with politics,
industry, and commerce, but in the Velasco’s words, it was essentially a vehicle of advocacy in the Mexicans’ search
for civil rights. In the second issue of this historic newspaper, Velasco clarified his editorial position when he wrote
that “the Fronterizo will establish itself as a zealous defender of the interests of the Mexican people in both
countries, expressing their point of view and directing their initiative along the path leading to their moral perfection
and material progress.” Dr. Gonzales also asserts that “Velasco employed his newspaper to combat negative
stereotypes of his people,” thus defining the main characteristic of “El Fronterizo,” and of American Spanish-
language press as well, as a strategic tool for the “defense of the Mexican population from Anglo abuse.” Velasco’s
publication was not an isolated approach but rather a consistent trend of Mexican and Mexican American journalism.
This tendency is widely analyzed by Gabriel Meléndez, Professor and Chairman of the Department of American
Studies at the University of New Mexico, in his book “Spanish-Language Newspapers in New Mexico, 1834-1958.”
Meléndez views Spanish-language newspapers as cultural productions, and the work of their editors, as an
organized movement against cultural exclusion in the midst of the massive arrival of easterners to the Southwest.
Gillian Flaccus, an Associated Press writer wrote a story that was widely published in many print and electronic
media outlets. Flaccus, AP’s diversity and religion reporter for Southern California, was far from revealing a new
trend. However, for most of mainstream America, he exposed the mobilizing power behind the unprecedented and
multitudinous marches of Latinos –particularly undocumented immigrants. In his article, Flaccus establishes that “for
English-speaking America, the mass protests in Los Angeles and other US cities over the past few days have been
surprising for their size and seeming spontaneity. But they were organized, promoted, or publicized for weeks by
Spanish-language radio hosts and TV anchors as a demonstration of Hispanic pride and power.”
Flaccus’ observation was not only far from being inaccurate; it captured the open and wide support that historically
has been the main characteristic of Spanish-language media in the United States, as well as its advocacy role for the
Mexican-American and Latino population. Perhaps the Associated Press writer was not entirely aware of this
traditional function of Spanish-language media, but was definitely correct in crediting what has been and is in
essence, a powerful force behind the current push for immigration reform. Even though these actions and the
media's role in promoting them may appear new to many, the relationship between Spanish-language media and
the Latino population’s struggle for civil rights has a long history of interaction and involvement. Therefore, the pro-
immigrant rallies can be considered the most recent link in a chain of events that spans for more than 100
years.
Historian Christine Marin cautions new generations to “not assume that the current call for immigration reform is a
new phenomenon in the Southwest. Since the early 1900s…Mexican immigrants made great attempts to fight for
their labor, political, economic and human rights and have made great sacrifices to achieve the American Dream of
education, success and home ownership.” Dr. Marin, a Curator and Archivist of the Chicano/a Research Collection at
Arizona State University, believes that what some observers consider an emerging social movement, is a recent
expression of that continued struggle for rights: “The marches and rallies you see occurring in the Southwest and
elsewhere are manifestations of a civil rights movement, a socio-economic movement, a political movement, and a
human rights movement.” One of these attempts Dr. Marin refers to, the creation in 1894 of the “Alianza Hispano
Americana,” sheds light in understanding how and why Spanish-language media become an instrument of advocacy
in the pursuit of social justice.
According to another historian, Dr. Manuel G. Gonzales, the Alianza Hispano Americana “functioned as a mutual aid
and benefit society…Primarily, however, the Alianza was a defense organization.” Dr. Gonzales, professor of history
at Diablo Valley College in California, establishes that the Alianza was created as a response to the fact that “people
of Mexican descent in Tucson were beginning to suffer the same prejudice and discrimination as the Mexican
Americans in other parts of the Southwest.” Relevant to the objective of this essay, and fundamental to understand
the role of Spanish-language media in the context of social causes, is the work of an “Alianza Hispano Americana’s”
key member, and its first president, Carlos I. Velasco. Not coincidentally, Velasco was by then the publisher and
editor of “El Fronterizo,” a Spanish-language newspaper he had founded twelve years earlier.
“El Fronterizo” was a four-page weekly published for a period of thirty-seven years, dealing particularly with politics,
industry, and commerce, but in the Velasco’s words, it was essentially a vehicle of advocacy in the Mexicans’ search
for civil rights. In the second issue of this historic newspaper, Velasco clarified his editorial position when he wrote
that “the Fronterizo will establish itself as a zealous defender of the interests of the Mexican people in both
countries, expressing their point of view and directing their initiative along the path leading to their moral perfection
and material progress.” Dr. Gonzales also asserts that “Velasco employed his newspaper to combat negative
stereotypes of his people,” thus defining the main characteristic of “El Fronterizo,” and of American Spanish-
language press as well, as a strategic tool for the “defense of the Mexican population from Anglo abuse.” Velasco’s
publication was not an isolated approach but rather a consistent trend of Mexican and Mexican American journalism.
This tendency is widely analyzed by Gabriel Meléndez, Professor and Chairman of the Department of American
Studies at the University of New Mexico, in his book “Spanish-Language Newspapers in New Mexico, 1834-1958.”
Meléndez views Spanish-language newspapers as cultural productions, and the work of their editors, as an
organized movement against cultural exclusion in the midst of the massive arrival of easterners to the Southwest.
The Spanish-language media traditional characteristics of
advocacy and alliance have vehemently surfaced as a
constant in contemporary societies. The recent mobilization of
millions of immigrants –both documented and undocumented–
have recreated again the social scenario where this
relationship between a social cause and its treatment in
Spanish-language media can be seen more clearly and
fervently expressed. “There does seem to be a tradition of
advocacy among Spanish language newspapers that might
seem out of place in mainstream journalism,” said O. Ricardo
Pimentel, editor of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel’s editorial
page. Pimentel, a longtime journalist and former columnist
and member of The Arizona Republic’s editorial board, affirms
that more than anything “Spanish-language media, like news
media everywhere, should serve as an ally of truth. Often
truth can seem like advocacy. It's tempting to judge Spanish-
language media against the practices and traditions of
mainstream media. We shouldn't mistake knowing your
community and tapping into its concerns and interests
necessarily as slanted journalism.” Pimentel points out that
“mainstream journalism often holds itself hostage to
‘balance,’ setting up a situation in which far too many stories
are of the he-said, they-said variety without telling the reader
what is true.” He believes that “addressing concerns of your
audience is not necessarily serving as an ally in a social
cause.”
advocacy and alliance have vehemently surfaced as a
constant in contemporary societies. The recent mobilization of
millions of immigrants –both documented and undocumented–
have recreated again the social scenario where this
relationship between a social cause and its treatment in
Spanish-language media can be seen more clearly and
fervently expressed. “There does seem to be a tradition of
advocacy among Spanish language newspapers that might
seem out of place in mainstream journalism,” said O. Ricardo
Pimentel, editor of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel’s editorial
page. Pimentel, a longtime journalist and former columnist
and member of The Arizona Republic’s editorial board, affirms
that more than anything “Spanish-language media, like news
media everywhere, should serve as an ally of truth. Often
truth can seem like advocacy. It's tempting to judge Spanish-
language media against the practices and traditions of
mainstream media. We shouldn't mistake knowing your
community and tapping into its concerns and interests
necessarily as slanted journalism.” Pimentel points out that
“mainstream journalism often holds itself hostage to
‘balance,’ setting up a situation in which far too many stories
are of the he-said, they-said variety without telling the reader
what is true.” He believes that “addressing concerns of your
audience is not necessarily serving as an ally in a social
cause.”
Editors of Spanish-language newspapers around the country communicate this advocacy and alliance role
consciously. However, there may not be a complete awareness of the extent of the effects –positive and negative–
that an open editorial line of support for the undocumented immigrants’ cause may generate. David Ramirez, Metro
news editor and columnist for El Diario/La Prensa, a New York paper with a daily circulation of more than 80,000
copies, considers that “part of the spirit of the media as such, is to support and to motivate every cause or social
movement that it is sustained in principles of solidarity, respect to the Human Rights, and so forth. In the particular
case of Spanish-language media and the (immigrants’) movement, I believe that it fits what I mentioned above.
Therefore, my criterion is that we have to be allies of this movement.” Dr. Cristina L. Azocar, Adjunct Assistant
Professor of Journalism at the San Francisco State University said “I’m not sure if an ally would be a correct way to
serve – or at least the word doesn’t work. To me, it serves as an informant on the social cause – the pros and cons,
the process, etc. It can definitely take a pro or con stance also in the editorial stance of the outlet.”
Spanish-language media’s concern to express an advocacy role in the undocumented immigrant’s cause, as an
example, may be a valid approach, but evidently it has also developed a trend to present only positive information of
what it supports and only negative information of what it opposes. This technique is what seven decades ago,
sociologists Alfred and Elizabeth Lee identified as one of the seven “tricks of the trade” of propaganda. The Lee’s
coined the term “card stacking” to refer to the practice of making something sound as though there is only one
conclusion that a rational person can draw. Regarding this propagandistic approach to journalism, Professor Azocar,
who is also the Director of the Center for Integration and Improvement of Journalism in San Francisco said “I don’t
believe in self-censorship and I do believe that a social movement should have all the information possible to
actually move, otherwise, what do you gain? People are smart enough to realize that with every movement and
every gain there will be areas of fall back – but this helps us remember where we came from and what we still need
to overcome and deal with. People can use the damaging information to show that they are not ignorant and willing
to consider both the benefits and negative possible outcomes.” Pimentel sees this as “a matter of intellectual
honesty and integrity. Intellectual honesty and integrity would demand that the story or opinion piece deal with the
counter-arguments, if only to knock them down. The best editorials, for instance, are those that target the folks who
are likely to disagree. They are far more persuasive because they are built on reasonable argument. The best
stories are those that offer a variety of views, but ultimately truth as well.” For Ramirez, “good journalism, this is to
say, one that is based on ethics, should not conceal or distort facts. I ratify that in the concrete case of the
immigrants’ movement, and as an immigrant (from Ecuador) myself…it is not necessary to take the path of
suppressing truthful information.”
consciously. However, there may not be a complete awareness of the extent of the effects –positive and negative–
that an open editorial line of support for the undocumented immigrants’ cause may generate. David Ramirez, Metro
news editor and columnist for El Diario/La Prensa, a New York paper with a daily circulation of more than 80,000
copies, considers that “part of the spirit of the media as such, is to support and to motivate every cause or social
movement that it is sustained in principles of solidarity, respect to the Human Rights, and so forth. In the particular
case of Spanish-language media and the (immigrants’) movement, I believe that it fits what I mentioned above.
Therefore, my criterion is that we have to be allies of this movement.” Dr. Cristina L. Azocar, Adjunct Assistant
Professor of Journalism at the San Francisco State University said “I’m not sure if an ally would be a correct way to
serve – or at least the word doesn’t work. To me, it serves as an informant on the social cause – the pros and cons,
the process, etc. It can definitely take a pro or con stance also in the editorial stance of the outlet.”
Spanish-language media’s concern to express an advocacy role in the undocumented immigrant’s cause, as an
example, may be a valid approach, but evidently it has also developed a trend to present only positive information of
what it supports and only negative information of what it opposes. This technique is what seven decades ago,
sociologists Alfred and Elizabeth Lee identified as one of the seven “tricks of the trade” of propaganda. The Lee’s
coined the term “card stacking” to refer to the practice of making something sound as though there is only one
conclusion that a rational person can draw. Regarding this propagandistic approach to journalism, Professor Azocar,
who is also the Director of the Center for Integration and Improvement of Journalism in San Francisco said “I don’t
believe in self-censorship and I do believe that a social movement should have all the information possible to
actually move, otherwise, what do you gain? People are smart enough to realize that with every movement and
every gain there will be areas of fall back – but this helps us remember where we came from and what we still need
to overcome and deal with. People can use the damaging information to show that they are not ignorant and willing
to consider both the benefits and negative possible outcomes.” Pimentel sees this as “a matter of intellectual
honesty and integrity. Intellectual honesty and integrity would demand that the story or opinion piece deal with the
counter-arguments, if only to knock them down. The best editorials, for instance, are those that target the folks who
are likely to disagree. They are far more persuasive because they are built on reasonable argument. The best
stories are those that offer a variety of views, but ultimately truth as well.” For Ramirez, “good journalism, this is to
say, one that is based on ethics, should not conceal or distort facts. I ratify that in the concrete case of the
immigrants’ movement, and as an immigrant (from Ecuador) myself…it is not necessary to take the path of
suppressing truthful information.”
| Illustration by Paul Lachine |
| BARRIOZONA |
| Photo by Eduardo Barraza |
| Bilingual Community Expression Published by the Hispanic Institute of Social Issues |